Девиантность, преступность, социальный контроль в обществе постмодерна - [93]
According to the Constitution of the Russian Federation there are division of powers. The president of the Russian Federation is head of state. The Russian Federation is a presidential republic with powerful presidential power. Moreover, there are presidents in the republics in the organic parts of the Russian Federation (Bashkiria, Dagestan, Tatarstan and others).
Federal legislature is a parliament (Federal'noe Sobranie – Federal Assembly) of two chambers: upper chamber, the «Sovet Federatsiy «(Council of Federation) and lower chamber «Gosudarstvennaja Duma» (State Duma[502]). There are also parliaments in the republics of Federation.
Federal executive power is exercised by a government with a Prime Minister. Regional executive power is exercised by a governor (or mayor in a city) with a government (administration).
Unfortunately, many criminals are part of the contemporary power structures, such as the former mayor of Lenin-Kuznetsk, the former governor of the Nizhny Novgorod region, the mayor of Vladivostok, the former head of department of the St. Petersburg's administration, many «assistants» of the deputies of the Duma, and so on.
Crime and Deviance
Crime
We are obliged to use official statistical data, because federal victimologi-cal survey is absent. Official police crime statistics are not reliable. The correct number and rates of crime are much more than the official statistical data in all countries. But since 1993-1994 there is mass cover-up of crimes that are not being registered (Gavrilov, 2001; Gilinskiy, 2002: 46-48; Luneev, 1997: 145). For example, the clearance rate in Russia is almost impossible to achieve (table 1). The data of murders cept by medical departments (World Health Statistics, 1996) are more reliable than police data (1992 – 22.9 and 15.5; 1993 – 30.4 and 19.6; 1994 – 32.3 and 21.8).
The trend of registered crimes from 1985 till 2002 is presented in tables 2. 3, 4. The main tendencies are as follows:
• The rate (per 100,000 inhabitants) of registered crime decreased in 1986-1988 (time of Gorbachev's Perestroika), increased from 817 (1987) to 1863 in 1995 and, after a short period (1996-1998), increased to 2051.4 in 1999.
• The rate (per 100,000 inhabitants) of murders (including attempted murders) decreased in 1986-1988 (to 6.3 in 1987), increased from 6.3 in 1987 to 21.8 in 1994 and, after a short time period, went down in 1995-1997, and increased to 22-23 in 2001-2003.
• The dynamic in the rate of others crime is analogous – minimum during Gorbachev's period, increased in 1994-1995, transitory cutting down and increased again in 1998-2003. The process of lowering of the crime rate was due to the „Thaw“ of Khrushchev too.
The rate of violence is very high in Russia. The official rate (per 100,000 populations) of homicide increased from 6.6 in 1987 to 23.1 in 2001, and more than 22 in 2002-2003. By comparison, the rate of homicide on average per year in 1999-2001 was: Australia – 1.9; Austria – 1.2; Finland – 2.8; France – 1.7; Germany – 1.1; Japan – 1.0; Netherlands – 1.5; Norway – 0.9; Poland – 2.0; Spain – 1.1; Sweden – 1.1; USA – 5.6 (Barclay and Tavares, 2003: 10).
The rate of grievous bodily harm increased in Russia from 13.9 in 1987 up to 39.9 in 2003 (45.7 in 1994).
There are many causes of violence in Russia. The main ones are as following:
• The geographical factor. Russia is very large country. Russian people had the power to conquer, establishing their power over larger territories.
• The historical factor, including the Byzantine heritage and the Soviet regime. For example, the Byzantine bishops persuaded Russian Prince Vladimir to put the death penalty into operation.
• The political factor. Russia has never been a democratic state, and never experienced the rule of law. Instead, it has experienced a centuries-long tradition of despotism and totalitarianism. The extent of repressing the people in the Soviet period could be compared with genocide. The Soviet regime killed more 61.9 million people from 1917 to 1987 (Kressel, 1996).
• The economic factor. The Russian people have always been poor. Considerable social and economic inequality always existed in Russia. The constantly growing economic polarization of the contemporary population – visible in the stark contrast between the poor majority and the nouveau rich minority (the «New Russian») – is a long-term source of continuing social conflict, envy, and violence.
